A new Amnesty International investigation has placed India’s defence relationship with Israel under uncomfortable scrutiny. The report, Made in India: The Supply of Weapons and Ammunition to Israel, documents at least 2,596 shipments of weapons, ammunition, parts and components sent from India to Israel since 7 October 2023.
These were not incidental transfers. Amnesty says they included machine gun components for weapons deployed by Israeli forces in Gaza, 155mm high explosive artillery shells supplied to Elbit Systems, explosive warheads for the Skystriker loitering munition similar to those found in Gaza’s debris, and armoured vehicle components destined for major Israeli military suppliers, amounting to 564,970 parts of explosive ordnance and 390,516 small arms parts for military grade weapons.
Amnesty adds that its deliberately conservative methodology likely underestimates the true extent of India’s contribution to Israel’s military supply chain.
Timing sharpens the criticism. The ICJ issued provisional measures in 2024 ordering Israel to prevent genocide in Gaza, and since then, numerous rights groups and independent UN experts have described Israel’s conduct as genocide.
Amnesty however directly states that India continued exporting arms despite the substantial risk they could be used in Israel’s ongoing genocide against Palestinians, a campaign the group notes has been broadcast worldwide on an almost daily basis for years. This reads less like an oversight than a deliberate choice to prioritise strategic continuity over international legal obligations.
The named entities make this harder to dismiss as incidental. Amnesty identifies state owned Munitions India, PLR Systems a joint venture between Adani Defence & Aerospace and Israel Weapon Industries, Indo MIM, Kalyani Systems, and Alpha Elsec, a joint venture with Elbit Systems, as embedded in Israel’s supply chain.
A state owned firm sitting alongside private conglomerates suggests a structural, cultivated relationship, not a compliance gap, sustained even as the humanitarian toll in Gaza has climbed past 247,387 Palestinians killed or injured.
India’s silence compounds the concern. Amnesty wrote to the Government of India and nine named companies in June and July 2026 as of publication, no response had been received. For a country that positions itself as a Global South leader and advocate of a rules based order, that silence is telling.
This does not erase India’s broader strategic calculus, its defence-industrial partnership with Israel has been years in the making, and New Delhi may yet contest these findings or frame the exports as lawful commerce. But when credible, evidence based reporting places a state’s exports this close to genocide allegations, silence is no longer a sustainable diplomatic posture.
Weapons, Complicity, and the Cost of Silence: India’s Arms Trade with Israel.
A new Amnesty International investigation has placed India’s defence relationship with Israel under uncomfortable scrutiny. The report, Made in India: The Supply of Weapons and Ammunition to Israel, documents at least 2,596 shipments of weapons, ammunition, parts and components sent from India to Israel since 7 October 2023.
These were not incidental transfers. Amnesty says they included machine gun components for weapons deployed by Israeli forces in Gaza, 155mm high explosive artillery shells supplied to Elbit Systems, explosive warheads for the Skystriker loitering munition similar to those found in Gaza’s debris, and armoured vehicle components destined for major Israeli military suppliers, amounting to 564,970 parts of explosive ordnance and 390,516 small arms parts for military grade weapons.
Amnesty adds that its deliberately conservative methodology likely underestimates the true extent of India’s contribution to Israel’s military supply chain.
Timing sharpens the criticism. The ICJ issued provisional measures in 2024 ordering Israel to prevent genocide in Gaza, and since then, numerous rights groups and independent UN experts have described Israel’s conduct as genocide.
Amnesty however directly states that India continued exporting arms despite the substantial risk they could be used in Israel’s ongoing genocide against Palestinians, a campaign the group notes has been broadcast worldwide on an almost daily basis for years. This reads less like an oversight than a deliberate choice to prioritise strategic continuity over international legal obligations.
The named entities make this harder to dismiss as incidental. Amnesty identifies state owned Munitions India, PLR Systems a joint venture between Adani Defence & Aerospace and Israel Weapon Industries, Indo MIM, Kalyani Systems, and Alpha Elsec, a joint venture with Elbit Systems, as embedded in Israel’s supply chain.
A state owned firm sitting alongside private conglomerates suggests a structural, cultivated relationship, not a compliance gap, sustained even as the humanitarian toll in Gaza has climbed past 247,387 Palestinians killed or injured.
India’s silence compounds the concern. Amnesty wrote to the Government of India and nine named companies in June and July 2026 as of publication, no response had been received. For a country that positions itself as a Global South leader and advocate of a rules based order, that silence is telling.
This does not erase India’s broader strategic calculus, its defence-industrial partnership with Israel has been years in the making, and New Delhi may yet contest these findings or frame the exports as lawful commerce. But when credible, evidence based reporting places a state’s exports this close to genocide allegations, silence is no longer a sustainable diplomatic posture.
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